Radio Interview on Immigration real Player
The
following address is a speech given by the Rt. Hon. J. Enoch Powell, MP, to a
meeting of the Stretford Young Conservatives at the Civic Theatre, Stretford,
Manchester at 8pm, Friday, 21 January 1977.
Throughout
the last twenty years, locally at first, then nationally, one political subject
has been different from all the rest in the persistence with which it has
endured and the profound and absorbing preoccupation which it has increasingly
held for the public. This is all
the more remarkable because of the sedulous determination with which this
subject has been kept, as far as possible, out of parliamentary debate, and the
use which has been made of every device—from legal penalty to trade union
proscription—to prevent the open discussion and ventilation of it.
No social or political penalty, no threat of private ostracism or public
violence, has been spared against those who have nevertheless continued to
describe what hundreds of thousands of their fellow citizens daily saw and
experienced and to voice the fears for the future by which those fellow citizens
were haunted. The efforts that were
made during the 1930s to silence, ridicule, or denounce those who warned of the
coming war with the fascist dictatorships and who called for the peril to be
recognized and met before too late, provide but a pale and imperfect precedent.
In
all this suppression more than one powerful motive can be seen at work.
On the one hand there is the primitive but widespread superstition that
if danger is not mentioned, it will go away, or even that it is created by being
identified and can therefore be destroyed again by being left in silence.
Akin to this is the natural resentment of ordinary people, but especially
of politicians, at being forced to face an appalling prospect with no readily
procurable happy ending. The custom
of killing messengers who bring bad news is not confined to the kings and
tyrants of antiquity or of fiction. On
the other hand there are at work the dark motives of those who desire the
catastrophic outcome which they foresee. All
round the world in various forms the same formula for rending societies apart is
being prepared and applied, by ignorance or design, and there are those who are
determined to see to it that Britain shall no longer be able to escape.
I marvel sometimes that people should be so innocently blind to this
nihilism.
One
of the ordinary weapons for the suppression of free speech and of frank
expression of opinion is to allege that those who warn of a danger, be they
right or wrong, actually desire that danger; that those who warn of war desire
war; that those who warn of the materials of hatred and conflict being heaped up
desire to see hatred and conflict come about.
This is why Churchill was denounced as a warmonger.
Because he did not fear to envisage and express the possibility and even
probability of war, he could be accused of wanting it.
The
fallacy is obvious; for the interest of those who desire calamity would
obviously lie in keeping silent till it comes, instead of crying out for means
and measures to avert it. But the
fallacy is nonetheless dangerous for that.
Till
now, however, there has been one essential bulwark against suppression of free
speech and of open debate upon the nature and reality of the public danger to
which I refer and upon the means to cope with it. That has been the necessity
for those who aimed at suppression to prove evil intent on the part of their
prospective victims. That condition
was of vital importance; for it is inherently unlikely that any subject of
public anxiety or apprehension can be discussed or debated without touching upon
strong feelings, fears, antagonisms, emotions—indeed, that very probability is
proportionate to the importance of the subject. If expression of opinion likely
to have that effect is rendered criminal per se, irrespective of the intention
of the speaker, then all free and open public discussion is rendered impossible,
to the manifest endangering of the public interest; for the public interest
depends upon the preservation of free speech.
It
ought to be understood that, in the intention of the legal advisers of the
Crown, this bulwark is now to be swept away.
That was made clear by a recent exchange of published letters between the
attorney general and myself regarding the effect of section 70 of the Race
Relations Act, 1976. For a criminal
offense under that section to be committed two conditions must be fulfilled.
Speech or writing must be “threatening, abusive or insulting;” and it
must also be speech or writing by which “having regard to all the
circumstances, hatred is likely to be stirred up against any racial group in
Great Britain.”
Now,
I have never in a political speech used language which to my knowledge was in
any natural sense of the words “threatening, abusive or insulting.”
To the contrary, I have always regarded such language as self-defeating
in public debate. However, the principal law officer of the Crown has asserted
that in his view it was insulting to quote, as I did in a speech at Croydon last
October, the expression “alien wedge,” which Viscount Radcliffe in a public
address had applied to New Commonwealth immigrants, or to express the opinion
that, in the foreseeable numbers and circumstances, the New Commonwealth
immigrant and immigrant-descended population in our cities is not likely to be
able to live and work in harmony with the rest of the population.
The
attorney general has further asserted that in his view race hatred against
colored members of our community was likely to be stirred up by what I said.
He added that he did not believe a court would find that this was my
intention. However, when section 70 of the new Act comes into force, intention
will become irrelevant. Thus it is
clear that the attorney general believes the uttering or publishing of such
speech or writing will thereafter be criminal, and that as attorney general he
would expect to give his consent to prosecution of the speaker and of the media
which report the speech.
The
interpretation, which is given for this purpose to the notions of
“insulting” and “stirring up hatred,” is radically perverse and
one-sided, and it goes to the root of the misconceptions which have hindered
rational discussion and handling of this subject from the beginning.
Let me illustrate them as follows. In
his Christmas day sermon the Archbishop of Canterbury said this: “We can view
the man with a colored face as a threat…. But we can think of it very
differently. That man with a
different skin color from mine could be an enrichment to my life and that of my
neighbors.” Now, I am certain
that nothing was further from His Grace’s intention than to be insulting to
the New Commonwealth immigrant and immigrant-descended population and were
exactly the sort of words which stir up intense hatred.
I
do not see how it can be other than deeply insulting to describe a Jew as that
man with a different shaped nose from mine, or a Zambian as that man with a
different sort of hair from mine, or a Chinese as that man with narrower eyes
and a yellower pigment than mine. To
reduce all the deep-seated differences between the various nations, societies,
and tribes of mankind to some external physical attribute in this way is to
commit the grossest indignity and disrespect to human nature itself.
It is a literally inhuman point of view.
What is worse, it is insufferable arrogance to suppose that an Iranian or
a Bantu wants to be, or to be thought of, as an Englishman under the skin.
On the contrary, with few exceptions, he has no idea or intention of any
such thing; and quite right too.
The
matter unfortunately does not end there. By
talking about the consequences of two million New Commonwealth immigrants in
England in terms of a single individual and thus ignoring all the facts and
circumstances of the real situation, His Grace and those who speak as he does
use the language most calculated to stir people to frenzy.
To tell the indigenous inhabitants of Brixton or Southall or Leicester or
Bradford or Birmingham or Wolverhampton, to tell the pensioners ending their
days in streets of nightly terror unrecognizable as their former neighborhoods,
to tell the people of towns and cities where whole districts have been
transformed into enclaves of foreign lands, that “the man with a colored face
could be an enrichment to my life and that of my neighbors” is to drive them
beyond the limits of endurance. It
is not so much that it is obvious twaddle.
It is that it makes cruel mockery of the experience and fears of hundreds
of thousands, if not millions, of ordinary, decent men and women.
I
repeat, I am sure that His Grace is as innocent of intending to cause evil as
the attorney general believes a court would find myself to be; and I trust that,
if the Archbishop should unfortunately use the same or similar language again
after section 70 of the new Act is in force, the attorney general will refrain
from authorizing prosecution. Nevertheless,
the consequences of the Archbishop’s words, whether the reason for them be
actual ignorance of the facts or belief that good can come of ignoring the
facts, is that people say to themselves: “If the Primate of all England
understands no more than that about what has happened, is happening and is going
to happen in our cities, then clearly we must look to leaders of a different
sort.”
The
prevalent determination, of which the Archbishop’s is a typical though eminent
example, not to see or to admit that violence on a disastrous scale is virtually
certain if the “alien wedges”—I use Lord Radcliffe’s phrase again—in
the metropolis and other major English cities and towns increase at the
predictable rate, is due I am sure to a grave misconception.
It is supposed that those who envisage such a prospect are accusing the
immigrant and immigrant-descended population of having the desire and intention
to bring this result about. One is
thought to be attacking them for harboring aggressive and violent designs.
Hence, very largely, the accusations of insult and of stirring up hatred
by pointing out the dangers of the future and denying that those dangers can be
averted by measures designed to promote what are called “good race
relations.”
This,
I repeat, is a radical misunderstanding, and it is important that if possible it
be removed. The truth is that both
the indigenous and the immigrant population will alike be the victims, and the
unintending victims, of forces created by the circumstances which we have
allowed and continue to allow to develop and which we show no intention of ever
endeavoring to reverse.
It
is impossible to begin to understand the way in which these forces operate if
the discussion is conducted, as race relations always are discussed, in terms of
moral imperatives and the attitudes of individuals—like and dislike, good will
and ill will. The behavior of men
in the mass and in society is not the sum total of the behavior of
individuals—any more than inflation is the sum total of voluntary individual
increases of prices and wages.
A
remarkable speech was made exactly a year ago by the Labor Member for Norwood,
John Fraser, in which he pointed to what he called “segregation, not legal or
enforced or even well-defined or precise, but segregation nevertheless” as a
state of affairs which “ought to send a shudder down our spines,” and he
added that “once it happens, the process is well nigh irreversible.”
This is an accurate description of the result of a steady and foreseeable
increase in a population, or populations, which are not only seen and felt by
the rest among whom they live to be distinct and different but which, more
importantly, are themselves strongly predisposed to maintain and reinforce that
distinctness and difference.
Where
I part company with Mr. Fraser is that he identified what he called
“discrimination” and “deprivation” as the causes of segregation and
regarded measures for reducing and preventing discrimination and deprivation as
calculated to prevent segregation. The
opposite is the case. It is
segregation that is the cause, and not the result, of discrimination and
deprivation; and measures aimed at reducing discrimination and deprivation only
increase segregation and enhance its destructive potential.
In
understanding this matter, the beginning of wisdom is to grasp the law that in
human societies power is never left unclaimed and unused.
It does not blow about, like wastepaper on the streets, ownerless and
inert. Men’s nature is not only,
as Thucydides long ago asserted, to exert power where they have it; men cannot
help themselves from exerting power where they have it, whether they want to or
not. The colored population of over
two million in England, a population which grows at the rate of nearly 100,000 a
year while the remainder diminishes, a population which is predominantly
concentrated in the central areas of the metropolis and other key urban and
industrial centers of England, does possess—simply by reason of segregation
and differentiation—a power which would not accrue to a mere random sample of
two million persons similarly located but not perceived or perceiving themselves
as distinct from the rest.
The
potential power derived from this basic and, as it were, physical cause is
enhanced by the special circumstances attending upon the New Commonwealth
immigration which brought it about. The
publicly expressed attitude of the indigenous population towards the colored
population is one of apology and self-accusation, denoted, amongst other things,
by the passing of ever severer laws for the protection of the minority in
circumstances where protection is not intended to be available, and would in
practice not be available, for members of the majority who were similarly
disadvantaged. The plain effect is,
and is understood by both minority and majority to be, to endow the members of a
distinctive and growing minority with privilege, and to communicate to them the
dangerous conviction that the guilty and apologetic behavior of the majority
derives at least in part from fear. This
effect is enormously heightened when seen as part of the contemporary worldwide
and systematic movement to use color to exploit and foment internal and
international conflicts. The result
is that the indigenous population perceives its own predicament as that of part
of a world minority, which is under verbal and sometimes physical pressure and
attack.
Once
the position of strength and privilege, natural and psychological, which I have
described is created, it is bound to be used as a means to extend that strength
and privilege further. In this the
situation of a minority which possesses full political rights but yet regards
itself and its interests as distinct from, and possibly antagonistic to, those
of the host society, is especially favorable.
In the narrowly balanced politics of Britain, political support can be
auctioned to the highest bidder in return for further privileges and
concessions; for the requisite precedents and grievances will always be
available and in the context—uniquely—privilege enjoys vocal public
approval. I think I cannot be the
only one to have noticed that if four percent of the population had four percent
representation in the House of Commons it would already contain twenty-five
colored MPs, or to have wondered how soon measures will be proposed to ensure
that the present disproportion is rectified.
It is the business of the leaders of distinct and separate populations to
see that the power which they possess is used to benefit those for whom they
speak. Leaders who fail to do so,
or to do so fast enough, find themselves outflanked and superseded by those who
are less squeamish. The Gresham’s
law of extremism, that the more extreme drives out the less extreme, is one of
the basic rules of political mechanics which operate in this field: it is a
corollary of the general principle that no political power exists without being
used.
Both
the general law and its Gresham’s corollary point, in contemporary
circumstances, towards the resort to physical violence, in the form of firearms
or high explosive, as being so probable as to be predicted with virtual
certainty. The experience of the
last decade and more, all round the world, shows that acts of violence, however
apparently irrational or inappropriate their targets, precipitate a frenzied
search on the part of the society attacked to discover and remedy more and more
grievances, real or imaginary, among those from whom the violence is supposed to
emanate or on whose behalf it is supposed to be exercised.
Those commanding a position of political leverage would then be
superhuman if they could refrain from pointing to the acts of terrorism and,
while condemning them, declaring that further and faster concessions and grants
of privilege are the only means to avoid such acts being repeated on a rising
scale. We know that those who thus
argue will always find a ready hearing. This
is what produces the gearing effect of terrorism in the contemporary world,
yielding huge results from acts of violence perpetrated by minimal numbers.
It is not, I repeat again and again, that the mass of a particular
population are violently or criminally disposed.
Far from it; that population soon becomes itself the prisoner of the
violence and machinations of an infinitely small minority among it. Just a few
thugs, a few shots, a few bombs at the right place and time—and that is enough
for disproportionate consequences to follow.
Differentiation
by color, where it exists, is an enormously important factor in this context,
effective in a number of ways which all operate in the same direction.
It is, first, a permanent and involuntary uniform, which performs all and
more of the functions of a uniform in warfare, distinguishing one side from the
other, friend from foe, and making it possible to see at a glance what is
happening, where to render assistance, and where to attack.
This is why those who have sought to organize the domination of a
majority by a minority have commonly, where possible, used insignia and means of
mutual recognition to increase the potency of small numbers.
Moreover,
the uniform of color, because it is involuntary and irremovable, becomes an
irresistible force for dominating and disciplining those who wear it.
They are literally marked people, expected to rally to whatever is
designated as their cause and treated as manifest traitors if they fail to do
so. When one has witnessed how the
invisible uniform of religion enables the IRA to exert over the mass of peaceful
and law-abiding Roman Catholic citizens in Northern Ireland a terror and
compulsion far severer than that under which their Protestant fellow citizens
live, one can form some idea of the consolidating potential of the visible
uniform of color. Finally, color
polarizes, and reinforces differentiation and segregation, because the
individual, however much, as an individual, he may become, and wish to become,
assimilated to the host population, is firmly identified, and thus eventually
obliged to identify himself, with the minority to which he belongs.
Color is a recruiting sergeant, and a recruiting sergeant for officer
material.
I
have been describing the forces which, with a kind of mechanical inevitability,
invest the New Commonwealth immigrant and immigrant-descended population in
England with the sort of power which cannot in the nature of things remain
unexerted; but one crucial factor has not yet been mentioned.
The consequences of New Commonwealth immigration are not static, they are
dynamic. The resultant population is not a fixed element of the total, bearing a
proportion to the whole not destined to increase, and representing therefore a
phenomenon which, despite all the attendant difficulties of highly
differentiated and segregated enclaves, might eventually, by a kind of
collective force of habit, become a stable feature of the England of the future.
This is probably the mistaken picture still in the minds of many people,
including a correspondent who in a letter to me after my last speech on this
subject wrote, “After all, what’s so terrible about a few race riots?”
What
we do know is that upon any conceivable assumptions, short of wholly new policy
initiatives, the New Commonwealth immigrant and immigrant-descended population
will continue to grow not only absolutely but proportionately until far into the
next century. This is implicit in
the age-structure of that population, apart from any other causes whatsoever.
Thus of the two differentiated populations, one will be advancing and the
other retracting, both numerically and territorially.
The significance of this fact is again enhanced by the pattern of
distribution The picture is not
that of a province or corner of the country occupied by a distinct and growing
population, though that would be perilous enough.
It is of the occupation, more and more intense, of key areas—and, it
may be added, of key functions—in the heartlands of the Kingdom.
The process is one of which both populations will continuously and
increasingly be conscious. It is
this fact which, added to all the rest, points to the prospect of eventual
conflict upon a scale which cannot adequately be described by any lesser term
than civil war.
Thus by our own past actions of commission and omission we have set in motion the processes which will lead to a result equally catastrophic for both the host and the immigrant-descended populations and equally unwilled by both, who will be the prisoners and the victims of their situation. I defy anyone to suggest that to trace those processes and to envisage this prospect is to “insult” either population, unless it be an insult to assume that they will act and react as human societies observably do and always have. But still the question may be asked: “So be; but why do you not, foreseeing this, keep silence? What is gained by speech?” To this I answer that even if I thought the outcome could by no contrivance be avoided, it would still be one’s instinct and one’s duty to speak: we cry out to warn our fellow beings of impending catastrophe, whether or not we calculate that they can still escape. The instinct is a healthy instinct, and the duty is a rational duty; for who knows what efforts men are capable of when necessity stares them in the face? Nor have I ever doubted that, once the nature and scale of the consequences were recognized, the common interest of all in averting them could make possible measures hitherto dismissed as impracticable or unthinkable. They would indeed be heroic measures, measures which radically altered the prospective pattern of our future population; but they would be measures based on and operating with human nature as it is, not measures which purport to manipulate and alter human nature by laws, bureaucracy, and propaganda. Such as they are, they will never come, or they will come too late, if a prohibition is placed upon rational and temperate free speech and a premium upon self-deception and willful blindness.